Tuesday, March 12, 2024

Organisational tasks mobilisation phases;

 

Task one is the establishment of a movement. Intellectuals coordinate on a sheer nation-state project and identify leaders among themselves or attract others with organizational skills.

They develop one or more groups that are defined, by independence and, in turn, sustain a commitment to the cause of independence.

Insurgency usually begins with a group of like-minded individuals discussing core grievances.

During this period, the insurgency establishes an identity, cause, narrative and a firm ideological or political base. Due to ideological or other internal disputes, it can be a period of frequent fracturing and splintering.

In establishing a campaign and sustaining it; the founding leaders must reach out to intellectuals and current or would-be politicians within the population.

As Eric Hoffer writes, the movement pioneered by men of words, materialised by fanatics and consolidated by men of action. It is usually an advantage to a movement, and perhaps a prerequisite for its endurance, that different men should play these roles.


The campaign cannot abandon, the intellectuals once women and men of action are in control because the intellectuals' to conjure new projects poses a constant threat of programmatic competition that could weaken the campaign.


Coordination among the intellectuals who create nation-state projects is a daunting task because the natural tendencies of intellectuals often resist coordination. Even before propagation among other constituencies can commence, most projects fall victim to alternative projects offered by other intellectuals appealing to at least some members of the same population. Sustaining coordination among creative intellectuals may be troublesome: individual members of the intelligentsia may value their intellectual independence, and their measure of creativity can be the originality and thus the difference of their formulations, including nation-state projects.

As Hoffer stresses, Men of thought seldom work together. Teamwork is rare in intellectual or artistic undertakings. So, there is a high probability that any national secession project will face multiple alternative projects unless this tendency is constrained.

In many campaigns, practical politicians come over to the cause only in an eleventh-hour switch to save their careers. The operational task of recruiting and coordinating among practical politicians with a shallower commitment to the goal carries a risk of capture that displaces the campaign leaders and their original goals.

Thus, the first operational task of campaign leaders is building leadership, which includes recruiting intellectual would-be politicians to the cause of independence. Even in the establishment stage, a divergence in motivations between true believers and practical politicians may emerge.

Over the longer term, the establishment task includes a greater need to deter defections to other causes: a task that becomes more difficult as the number of pragmatists in the leadership increases. Containing the centrifugal forces and keeping the leadership focused on the cause of independence is essential to campaign coordination.

Mehrab Sarjov

Friday, September 29, 2023

The Zahedan massacre was one of many genocides Iranian forces have committed in Baluchistan,

 

Mehrab Sarjov


One year has passed since the protest started under the umbrella of Makki Mosque and Molavi Abdolhamid 's leadership.

We are well aware of the fact that Tehran imposed this war on Makki Mosque and dragged Molavi Abdolhamid into the current conflict. Until now, Molavi has taken his responsibilities very seriously and stood with the victims. 

The Baluch Political parties and activists have supported protesters and religious leadership, which have demanded justice for last year's massacres in Zahedan and Khash. We support regime change in Iran unconditionally. We stand with Makki Mosque and Molavi Abdolhamid as long as Molavi express people's general demands, which he has been doing.

Molavi may represent enlightenment in Iran. The Baluch nation is a progressive nation, and Molavi represents the best of it. 


One should not expect Molavi to deliver federalism for Iran or independence for Baluchistan. It is the political parties' responsibility to fulfil their manifesto commitment.

The struggle for an independent Baluchistan from Iran is as old as the Iranian occupation of Baluchistan. The movement against the Persian occupation of Baluchistan did not start with the Zahedan massacre last year. The Zahedan massacre was one of many slow genocides Iranian forces have committed in Baluchistan, and this will not be the last.

recommendation;

1- We support regime change in Iran unconditionally;

2- We support the Iranian and Baluch people's protest unconditionally;

3- considering the situation, the movement for independent Baluchistan should make its presence felt on the ground without creating a fracture in current Friday's protest.


Mehrab Sarjov is a political activist based in London,

Friday, April 28, 2023

Draft platform proposal for a transition to freedom in Iran.



There is a strong need for action now to avoid a larger ethnic conflict within the Middle East and beyond. After extensive research, the above proposal is the best method to enable a transition of governance within Iran aimed specifically at reducing ethnic conflict. I am personally responsible for this Paper. These are not (Riji Zrombesh) Baluchistan Baluchistan National Movement views. ‌ُ

Mehrab, Sarjov

 The Islamic Republic of Iran has failed to respond effectively to the demands of its people. Like its predecessors, it has failed to unite the ethnicities within its population to build a successful single nation-state. Today, Iran’s differing territorial populations still will not align with the history and culture propagated by the Iranian State.

1-      Non-Persian ethnic groups within Iran are separated  by religion, culture, language and geography

2-      Non-Persian groups within Iran seek the right to restore their cultural identity.

3-      They have a geopolitical relationship with their neighbors, which differs from the state. For example, Baluch and Afghans have a history of military cooperation; jointly fighting against the Persian and Maratha Empires.

4-      The state of Iran has implemented draconian laws against Non-Persian nations to ensure their economy does not prosper and they are tied to the state. 

5-      There is a history of warfare by Tehran against the Baluch and other Non-Persian groups.

 

We believe in the right to self-determination through legal and civil means. Citizens of the Islamic Republic of Iran request the right to a referendum to determine their future.

If dominant political actors in Iran agree on the right to self-determination through a free and fair referendum, the current, economic, social and political issues within Iran could be solved. Therefore, a referendum should be held to determine whether the Citizens of Iran want completely independent states or Asymmetric Federalism in Iran.

Route to Self-Determination

With the fall of the Islamic Republic of Iran, to avoid ethnic conflict, similar to that following the end of Libya and Syria. An Asymmetrical Federation would be implemented as a transitional Government, stabilising the Nation prior to holding a referendum on the right to Self-determination.

As part of the implementation of the Asymmetrical Federation, there would be a classical Asymmetric Federal agreement on power-sharing between the Federation States and a Central Government.

 Each Federation will have a clear geographical border managed by an autonomous governing body. Each Federations Governing body will have explicit powers, which fall within the exclusive domain of the federation to enable the successful management of its population.  The Federation would have the right to create its own rules governing the Federation’s legislature and executive and have extensive control over local development plans.

The Federation may have a range of prerogatives not found in any other part of the unitary state, such as the legal right to create restrictive immigration policies in the federation, to prohibit Citizens of the state who are not also citizens of the federacy from buying lands or establishing commercial enterprises.

Central Government will remain in Tehran and will retain powers over, foreign affairs, defence, currency, and a final court of appeals. Following the referendum, these powers can gradually transfer to federation units or independent authorities, should a Federal state vote for Self-Governance.

The territorially concentrated minority populations would have a constitutionally embedded degree of political autonomy

Existence of dispute resolution procedures:

The federal units and the state would have dispute-resolution procedures about their respective powers and prerogatives. Only in exceptional circumstances would a dispute go to the state’s highest court, and this court would be able to make binding decisions for the entire polity only as long as it does not in any way violate the constitutionally embedded arrangements

Reciprocal representation between the unitary state and the federacy;

 The citizen of the autonomous unit would be full citizens of the state, vote in state-wide elections, and have representatives in the parliament of the state as well as in their parliament. The centre would have an official representative in the federacy that would also help coordinate those activities in the federacy that fall under central state power.

The goal of the federacy arrangement is to create a high level of trust, voice, and a workable relationship between the federacies and the centre.

 

Federations will have the right to implement their own eligibility criteria for their Federal elections. For example, a citizen would not be able to vote in a federal election unless they were resident within the Federation for more than 5 years. This would not impact their eligibility for central elections. 

The people's self-determination principle should be included in any future agreements. Transition authorities should accept asymmetric federacy.

Some of the key principles, culture-making and identity-sustaining prerogatives that should be given to the self-governing legislatures are:

·       The official language of each federacy shall be the common language of the majority of people residing in that federacy.

·       The language of education in schools maintained by public funds or subsidized by public funds shall be the official language of the federacy concerned.

 

·       Only a person with the right of domicile may participate in elections of the Federal parliament, the municipal councils and the other positions of trust within the Federation. The power to grant the right of domicile is vested in the federacy.

·       The right of a person without the right of domicile to exercise a trade or profession for personal gain may be limited.

·       The Federation reserves the right to limit the acquisition of property of persons who are not Federal citizens.

·       Federation shall have legislative power in respect of public order and security, health care medical treatment, the design and use of the flag and coastal arms, farming, forestry, hunting and fishing, creation of an offence and the extent of the penalty for such an offence in respect of a matter falling within the legislative competence of federacies, an administrative court shall be established in federacy by State act, such court may be an act of federacy be granted jurisdiction over administrative matters within the competence of federacy.

There is a strong need for action now to avoid a larger ethnic conflict within the Middle East and beyond. After extensive research, the above proposal is the best method to enable a transition of governance within Iran aimed specifically at reducing ethnic conflict.

 

 

Chapter 1

General Provisions;

Autonomy of Baluchistan;

Baluchistan is autonomous during the transition and hereafter.

 

Section 2

The territory of Baluchistan;

 Baluchistan comprises the territory that historically has been Baluchistan, and the territorial waters directly adjacent to Baluchistan.

Section 3

 Institutions of the Baluchistan;

 Parliament shall represent the people of Baluchistan in matters relating to its autonomy. The administration of Baluchistan is vested in the Government of Baluchistan and the officials subordinate to it.

 

Section 4 Governor;

 The Governor shall represent the Government of Iran in Baluchistan. Governor shall be appointed by the President of the Republic: after having agreed on the matter with the Speaker of the Baluchistan Parliament.

 

 

Section 5

Baluchistan Delegation;

 The Baluchistan Delegation shall be a joint organ of Baluchistan and the State. Its composition, duties and expenses are defined.

 

Chapter 2

 

Right of domicile in Baluchistan;

The right of domicile in Baluchistan shall belong to

1)      a person who at the time of the entry into force of autonomous agreement had the rights of domicile under the Autonomy agreement; and 2) a child under 18 years of age who is a citizen of Iran and a resident of Baluchistan, provided that his father or mother has the right of domicile.

 

 

Section 7

Right of domicile on application

 The power to grant the right of domicile is vested in the Government of Baluchistan.

Unless there are persuasive reasons for not granting the right of domicile, it shall be granted on application to a citizen of Iran

1) Who has taken up residence in Baluchistan;

2) Who has been habitually resident in Baluchistan for at least five years without interruption;

 An,  3) who is satisfactorily proficient in the Baluchi language.

 The right of domicile may also be granted to a person who does not fulfil the requirements for a specific reason.

 

Section 8

Forfeiture of the right of domicile,

A person who forfeits the citizenship of Iran shall likewise forfeit the right of domicile.

The forfeiture persons with the right of domicile in Baluchistan may temporarily move their residence from Baluchistan shall be as provided by an Act of Baluchistan.

 

 

Section 9

 Participation in elections and eligibility for office only a person with the right of domicile may participate in the elections of the Baluchistan Parliament, the municipal councils and the other positions of trust in Baluchistan and municipal administration. Only a person with the right of domicile shall be eligible for positions of trust.


Section 10

Right to acquire real property

The limitations on the right to acquire real property or property of a similar nature in Baluchistan with full legal title shall be provided by an Act on the Acquisition of Real Property in Baluchistan. The limitations shall not apply to a person with the right of domicile.

 

Section 11

Right of trade

 

The right of a person, without the right of domiciles, to exercise a trade or profession in Baluchistan for personal gain may be limited.

However, such an Act may not be used to limit the right of trade of a person residing in Baluchistan if no person other than a spouse and minor children are employed in the trade and if the trade is not practised in business premises, an office or any other special place of business.

Section 12

Service of conscription

 A person with the right of domicile may be placed for conscription for military service or other civilian administrations. Military service in the Iran army shall be provided by the consent of the Baluchistan Parliament.

 

Chapter 3

The Baluchistan Parliament and the Government of Baluchistan;

 

Section 13

Election of the members of the Baluchistan Parliament;

The members of the Baluchistan Parliament shall be elected by direct and secret ballot. Suffrage shall be universal and equal.

 

Section 14

Opening and closing the sessions of the Baluchistan Parliament;

The sessions of the Baluchistan Parliament shall be opened and closed by the President of the Republic or, on his behalf, by the Governor. The Governor shall present the proposals and statements of the President to the Baluchistan Parliament.

 

Section 15

 Dissolution of the Baluchistan Parliament After consultation with the Speaker of the Baluchistan Parliament, the President of the Republic may dissolve the Baluchistan Parliament and order an election. The right of the Baluchistan Parliament to decide on dissolution and the ordering of an election shall be provided by an Act.

 

Section 16

 Government of Baluchistan;

 The Government of Baluchistan shall be appointed by Baluchistan Parliament.

 

 

 

 

Chapter 4

Section 17

Authority of Baluchistan;

The Baluchistan Parliament shall enact legislation for Baluchistan.

 

Section 18

Legislative authority of Baluchistan shall have legislative powers in respect of 1) the organisation and duties of the Baluchistan Parliament and the election of its members, the Government of Baluchistan and the officials and services subordinate to it;  2) the officials of Baluchistan, the collective agreements on the salaries of the employees of Baluchistan and the sentencing of the officials of Baluchistan to disciplinary punishment; 2 a) the employment pensions of the employees of Baluchistan and the elected representatives in the administration of Baluchistan, as well as of the head teachers, teachers and temporary teachers in the primary and lower secondary schools in Baluchistan;  3) the flag and coat of arms of Baluchistan and the use thereof in Baluchistan, the use of the Baluchistan flag on vessels of Baluchistan and on merchant vessels, fishing-vessels, pleasure boats and other comparable vessels whose home port is in Baluchistan, without limiting the right of State offices and services or of private persons to use the flag of the State; 4) the municipal boundaries, municipal elections, municipal administration and the officials of the municipalities, the collective agreements on the salaries of the officials of the municipalities and the sentencing of the officials of the municipalities to disciplinary punishment; 5) the additional tax on income for Baluchistan and the provisional extra income tax, as well as the trade and amusement taxes, the bases of the dues levied for Baluchistan and the municipal tax; 6) public order and security; the fire-fighting and rescue service; 7) building and planning, adjoining properties, housing; 8) the appropriation of real property and of special rights required for public use in exchange for full compensation; 9) tenancy and rent regulation, lease of land; 10) the protection of nature and the environment, the recreational use of nature, water law; 11) prehistoric relics and the protection of buildings and artifacts with cultural and historical value; 12) health care and medical treatment; burial by cremation; 13) social welfare; licences to serve alcoholic beverages; 14) education, apprenticeship, culture, sport and youth work; the archive, library and museum service, 15) farming and forestry, the regulation of agricultural production; provided that the State officials concerned are consulted prior to the enactment of legislation on the regulation of agricultural production; 16) hunting and fishing, the registration of fishing vessels and the regulation of the fishing industry; 17) the prevention of cruelty to animals and veterinary care; 18) the maintenance of the productive capacity of the farmlands, forests and fishing waters; the duty to transfer, in exchange for full compensation, unutilised or partially utilised farmland or fishing water into the possession of another person to be used for these purposes, for a fixed period; 19) the right to prospect for, lay claim to and utilise mineral finds; 20) the postal service and the right to broadcast by radio or cable in Baluchistan; 21) roads and canals, road traffic, railway traffic, boat traffic, the local shipping lanes;

22) trade, subject to the provisions of section 11, with the exception that also the Baluchistan Parliament has the power to impose measures to foster the trade referred to in the said paragraphs; 23) promotion of employment; 24) statistics on conditions in Baluchistan 25) the creation of an offence and the extent of the penalty for such an offence in respect of a matter falling within the legislative competence of Baluchistan; 26) the imposition of a threat of a fine and the implementation thereof, as well as the use of other means of coercion in respect of a matter falling within the legislative competence of Baluchistan; 27) other matters deemed to be within the legislative power of Baluchistan in accordance with the principles underlying law.

Section 19

 Decrees

By virtue, the Government of Baluchistan may issue Decrees on matters within the powers of Baluchistan power. However, provisions may be provided only by Acts of the Baluchistan parliament on the foundations of individuals’ rights or obligations and on matters that otherwise are of legislative nature under the Constitution or under the Act on the Autonomy of Baluchistan.

Section 20

Initiatives of the Baluchistan Parliament and the Government of Baluchistan;

The Baluchistan Parliament may submit initiatives on matters within the legislative power of the State. The Government of Iran shall present an initiative for the consideration of the Parliament of Iran. The Government of Baluchistan may submit initiatives on matters referred to in paragraph 1 for the issuance of Decrees and regulations for Baluchistan.

 

 

Section 21

The administrative authority of Baluchistan;

Baluchistan officials shall conduct the administration of matters within the legislative power of Baluchistan subject to the following: 1) statistical information that is necessary for the State and in possession of Baluchistan officials shall, on request, be made available for State officials;

2)statistical information for the use of Baluchistan shall be collected in cooperation with the State officials concerned; 3) the Government of Baluchistan shall obtain opinions from the State officials concerned before undertaking measures regarding a non-movable prehistoric relic; 4) the Government of Baluchistan shall obtain an opinion from the National Archives before the Baluchistan officials or the municipal or ecclesiastical officials render a decision on the destruction of documents in an archive located in Baluchistan.

Section 22

 Administrative procedure;

 An appeal shall be brought to the Baluchistan Administrative Court against a decision of an authority subordinate to the Government of Baluchistan an appeal shall be brought to the Baluchistan Administrative Court against a decision of a municipal authority; the legality of a decision may be brought to the Supreme Administrative Court. However, an appeal against a decision of the Government of Baluchistan relating to a pension may be brought to the Insurance Court.

Section 23

 Establishment of an administrative court;

 An administrative court may be established in Baluchistan. Such a court may be granted jurisdiction over administrative matters within the competence of Baluchistan.

 

Chapter 5

 Authority of the State

 

Section 24

State Acts of importance to federal units;

 The amendment of a Constitutional Act or another State Act shall not enter into force in federal units without the consent of the federation Parliaments insofar as it relates to the principles governing the right of a private person to own real property or business property in federacy units. An opinion shall be obtained from Units before the enactment of an Act of special importance to that federacy unit.

Section 25

(Obtaining an opinion from the Government federal units;

Before the President of the Republic, the Council of State, a Ministry or some other authority issues provisions that only concern Baluchistan or that otherwise are especially significant to Baluchistan; an opinion on the matter shall be obtained from the Government of Baluchistan.

Section 26

Decision and presentation;

 The President of the Republic shall make his decision on matters relating to the autonomy of Baluchistan as provided by section 41 of the Constitution.

 

 

Chapter 6

Language provisions

 

Section 27

Official language;

 The official language of Baluchistan shall be Baluchi. The language used in federation administration, federations administration and municipal administration shall be regional. The official language of the federation Delegation shall be Baluchi. The opinions and decisions of the Supreme Court referred to in this Act shall be written in Baluchi. The provisions of this Act on the language used in federal administration shall also apply, where appropriate, to the officials of the religious, unless otherwise provided by the Code.

 

 

Section 28

 Right, to use Persian;

 In a matter concerning self, a citizen of Iran shall have the right to use Persian before a court and with other State officials in federations.

 

Section 29

 Language of correspondence;

 Letters and other documents between Baluchistan officials and State officials in Baluchistan shall be written in the Baluchi language. The same provision shall apply to correspondence between the said authorities and the federations Delegation, on one hand as well as the Council of State, the officials in the central government of Iran and the superior courts and other State officials to whose jurisdiction federations or a part thereof belongs, on the other hand. 

Section 30

 Translations

On the request of a party, the courts and the County Government shall enclose a Persian translation in their documents.

.

Section 31

 Language of education;

 The language of education in schools maintained by public funds or subsidised from public funds shall be Baluch language unless otherwise provided by an Act of the federal unit.

Section 32

 Linguistic proficiency of State officials;

 The State shall organise training in the Baluchi language for the persons in its service in Baluchistan.

Section 33

 Information and regulations issued in Baluchi languages;

The Council of State shall take measures to have the necessary product and service information distributed to the consumers in the Baluchi language where possible. The Council of State shall also see the availability of regional languages of the regulations to be followed in federal units.

 

Chapter 7

Financial Management;

Section 34 Budget

The Baluchistan Parliaments shall confirm a budget; when passing a budget, they shall strive to ensure at least the same level of social benefits for their people as enjoyed by the people in the State.

 

. Section 35 Equalisation

Baluchistan shall every year receive a sum of money from State funds to cover the costs of autonomy.

The sum shall be determined in a special equalisation procedure. The equalisation shall take place retroactively for every calendar year. Advance payments of the amount of equalisation shall be made every year.

 

Section 36

Extraordinary grant;

 An extraordinary grant may be given on the proposition of Baluchistan.

Section 37 Special subsidy

Baluchistan shall be subsidised by State funds to

1) Prevent or remove substantial economic disorders that affect especially Baluchistan

 2) Cover the costs of a natural disaster, oil spill or another incident. The Government of Baluchistan shall initiate the proceedings for a subsidy at the latest in the year following the emergence of the costs.

 

Chapter 8

Governor and the Baluchistan Delegation;

 

Section 39

Appointment of the Governor;

 A person who has the qualifications for conducting the administration well and for attending to State security shall be appointed Governor.

 The President of the Republic shall appoint the Governor after having agreed on the matter with the Speaker of the Baluchistan Parliament. If a consensus is not reached, the President shall appoint the Governor from among five candidates nominated by the federacy Parliament.

 

Section 40

 Acting Governor;

When the office of the Governor is vacant or when the Governor is prevented from attending to his duties, the President may, after having agreed on the matter with the Speaker of the federacy Parliament, appoint a suitable person as Acting Governor.

 

 

Chapter 9

International Treaties;

Section 41

Dismissal of the Governor;

 The Speaker of the federacy Parliament shall be heard before deciding on a matter relating to the dismissal of the Governor.

 

Section 42

 Negotiations on international treaties;

 The Government of the federacy may propose negotiations on a treaty or another international obligation to the appropriate State officials.

The Government of the federacy shall be informed of negotiations on a treaty or another international obligation if the matter is subject to the competence of the federacy. If the discussions otherwise relate to things of vital importance to federacy, the Government of federacy shall be informed of the negotiations, if appropriate. The Government of federacy shall be reserved the opportunity to participate in the talks if there is a peculiar reason for the same.

 

Section 43

 Entry into force of international treaties;

 If a treaty or another international obligation binding on Iran contains a matter within the competence of the Federacy, the Federacy Parliament must consent to the statute implementing that term to have it enter into force in a federacy. If the treaty is contrary to this, it will enter into force in the federacy only if the regional Parliament gives its consent by a qualified majority of two-thirds of the votes.

 

Chapter 10

Entry into force and transitory provisions

Section 44

 Right of domicile;

 A person habitually resident in federacies at the time of the entry into force of this Act shall, upon request to the Government of the federacy, have the right to gain the right of domicile.

Section44

Trade;

 A person habitually resident in the federacy at the time of the entry into force of this Act shall, after having resided in the federacy for five years without interruption, have the right to practice in a trade in the federacy. The private persons, companies, co-operations, associations and other corporations and foundations that at the time of the entry into force of this Act practice a trade in the federacy.

Mehrab sarjov

sarjov@hotmail.com

00447896888892

appendix

Asymmetric Federalism

Symmetry refers to the uniformity of the system. Conversely, asymmetry denotes the diversity among members of states, which is articulated politically through component units possessing varying degrees of autonomy and power.

In other ways words, it is the extent to which component states do not share in the conditions and concerns common to the federal system as a whole.

While some sort of asymmetry exists in most federal states, the type and extent of asymmetric vary, as well as, of the conditions that lead to asymmetry.

Cultural, economic, social and political factors in combination have in all federations produced asymmetrical variations in the power and influence of different constituent units.

De jure or constitutionally asymmetry refers to asymmetry that is constitutionally entrenched asymmetry; it is the extent to which the constitution grants a better understanding of those two types of asymmetry, let us manifested in a federation.

De facto asymmetry;

De jure asymmetry;

Uses;

Fiscal capacities;

Legal process

Parliamentary representation

Constitutional decision-making;

 

 

 

Asymmetric federalism means federalism based on unequal powers and relationships in political, administrative, and fiscal arrangements between the units constituting a federation.

Asymmetry in the arrangements in a federation can be viewed in both vertical (between the Centre and states) and horizontal (among the states) senses.

Political and Constitutional Asymmetry

 

Recognising the distinctive cultural differences in the country and permitting self-rule within the scheme of a shared rule to territorially concentrated minorities is how asymmetrical federalism works in India.

Such functioning pertains to de facto and de jure asymmetry, where the former is abundant while the latter is limited.

Furthermore, such an arrangement only proves that an asymmetrical constitutional setup is indisputably necessary for a multicultural and multinational country such as India to protect the rights of the community and minorities.

This setup facilitates the accommodation of multiple yet complementary identities.

While in every federal nation, the former is based on the territorial and demographic sizes of the constituent units, the latter characterises the Constitution’s extension of legislative and executive powers to the constituent units.

“What is considered to be equal for one is unequal for the other.

For national minorities like the Quebecois, Federalism implies a federation of peoples, and decisions regarding the power of federal subunits should recognise and affirm the equal status of the founding people, on this, granting similar powers to regional-base and nationality-based units is in fact deny equality of the minority nation, by reducing its status to that of regional division within majority nation”.

Monday, April 3, 2023

Dear editor to BBC Urdu @BBCUrdu!

 


                                              The Baloch population is often neglected and underrepresented, whether it be in their own country or in the international media. Unfortunately, the BBC is no exception. In recent years, it has become apparent that the Punjabi anchors and journalists working for the BBC have a clear bias towards the Baloch people, exhibiting what can only be called racial prejudice.

For those who are not aware, the Baloch people are an ethnic group that predominantly resides in Balochistan, an area encompassing parts of Iran, Pakistan, and Afghanistan. They are often considered a minority within their own countries and have been embroiled in a fight for independence and autonomy for several years. Consequently, they are often at odds with the governments that claim jurisdiction over the lands in which they live.

Despite their struggles, Balochistan and the Baloch people receive scant media coverage. The little attention they do receive is often negative, perpetuating stereotypes and ignoring their plight. The BBC, as one of the world's most renowned news sources, should serve as a counterbalance to this state of affairs, providing impartial and accurate reporting on events and issues around the world. However, this does not seem to be the case when it comes to covering Balochistan.

Many observers have noticed the anti-Baloch bias among Punjabi-speaking journalists at BBC Urdu. This bias is evident both in the topics they choose to cover and the language they use in their reports. The coverage often focuses on issues that put Balochistan in a negative light, such as terrorism and violence, rather than the underlying political and social issues facing the Baloch people. When the journalists do discuss the Balochistan conflict, they tend to side with the Pakistani government and ignore the Baloch struggle for independence, instead portraying the Baloch as terrorists and troublemakers.

Additionally, the use of language in these reports can be very telling. Many of the Punjabi-speaking journalists use derogatory or discriminatory language when reporting on Balochistan and the Baloch people, which only further perpetuates negative stereotypes. For example, they may describe the Baloch as uncivilized or unruly, or they may label their movements as violent and disruptive.

This is unacceptable, given that the role of the media is to report the facts and present an unbiased perspective on events. When journalists from one particular ethnic group exhibit racial prejudice in their coverage, it undermines the integrity of the entire news outlet. It is imperative that the BBC takes action to correct this and ensures that their Urdu-language journalists are reporting on Balochistan and the Baloch people fairly and objectively.

In conclusion, the Punjabi-speaking journalists at BBC Urdu exhibit a bias towards the Baloch population in their reporting. Their coverage often takes a negative slant, perpetuating stereotypes and ignoring the Baloch struggle for autonomy. The use of discriminatory language only adds to this problem. It is time for the BBC to take responsibility and ensure that their reporters are reporting on Balochistan and the Baloch people fairly and accurately. Only then can they live up to their reputation as a trusted news source for people around the world.

Thursday, January 12, 2023

ملت و ناسیونالیسم

ملت و ناسیونالیسم

ارنست گلنر

تعاریف

ترجمه مهراب سرجوئی

ناسیونالیسم در درجه اول یک اصل سیاسی است که معتقد است واحد سیاسی و ملی باید همسو باشند. ملی گرایی به عنوان یک احساس یا به عنوان یک جنبش را می توان بر اساس این اصل تعریف کرد. احساسات ناسیونالیستی، احساس خشمی است که از نقض این اصل یا احساس رضایت از تحقق آن  برانگیخته می شود. جنبش ناسیونالیستی جنبشی است که توسط چنین احساساتی برانگیخته می شود.

راه های مختلفی وجود دارد که در آن می توان اصل ناسیونالیستی را زیر پا گذاشت. ممکن است مرزهای سیاسی یک کشور معین شامل باب میل همه اعضای یک ملت نباشد؛ یا می تواند همه آنها را شامل شود، اما برخی از خارجی ها را نیز شامل  شود، یا می تواند به هر دو روش در یک زمان شکست بخورد، نه اینکه همه اتباع را شامل می شود و در عین حال برخی از افراد غیر ملی را نیز شامل می شود. یا دوباره ممکن است ملتی بدون آمیختگی با بیگانگان در چندین کشور زندگی کند، به طوری که هیچ کشوری نتواند ادعای ملی بودن کند.

اما یک شکل خاص از نقض اصل ناسیونالیستی وجود دارد که احساسات ناسیونالیستی نسبت به آن کاملاً حساس هستند: اگر حاکمان واحد سیاسی متعلق به ملتی غیر از ملت اکثریت آن واحد سیاسی باشند که بر انها حکومت می کنند، برای ملی گرایان این یک نقض برجسته  کاملاغیرقابل تحمل دور از نزاکت سیاسی است. این می تواند از طریق ادغام قلمرو ملی در یک امپراتوری بزرگ یا با تسلط محلی یک گروه بیگانه رخ دهد. به طور خلاصه، ناسیونالیسم یک نظریه مشروعیت سیاسی است که مستلزم آن است که مرزهای اتنیکی نباید از مرزهای سیاسی  و به ویژه، مرزهای اتنیکی در داخل یک کشور معین عبور کنند - احتمالی که قبلاً به طور رسمی توسط این اصل در شکل گیری کلی آن حذف شده اند – نباید مرزهای سیاسی صاحبان قدرت را از بقیه جدا کنند.

این اصل ملی گرایی را می توان بر اساس روحیه اخلاقی و جهان شمولی ادعا کرد. ممکن است  و گاهی اوقات ، در انتزاع، ناسیونالیست هایی وجود داشته باشند که به نفع هر ملتی بی طرف بوده اند و سخاوتمندانه این دکترین را برای همه ملت ها به طور یکسان تبلیغ می کنند: اجازه دهند همه ملت ها سقف سیاسی خود را داشته باشند وهمچنین از گنجاندن ملت‌ها دیگردر زیر مجموعه آن خودداری کنند. هیچ تناقضی رسمی در حمایت چنین ناسیونالیسم غیر خودخواهانه وجود ندارد. به‌عنوان یک دکترین، می‌توان آن را با برخی استدلال‌های خوب مانند مطلوبیت حفظ تنوع فرهنگی،  برای یک نظام سیاسی بین‌المللی کثرت‌گرا و کاهش فشارهای داخلی در کشور‌ها حمایت کرد.

با این حال، در واقع، ناسیونالیسم اغلب نه چندان معقول و نه از نظر عقلانی متقارن بوده است. ممکن است همانطور که امانوئل کانت معتقد بود، تمایل به استثناء کردن خود یا پرونده خود، نقطه ضعف اصلی انسانی باشد که سایرین از آن سرچشمه می‌گیرند: و احساسات ملی را مانند هر چیز دیگری تحت تأثیر قرار می‌دهند مانند چیزی که ایتالیایی ها در زمان موسولینی آن را ناسیونالیسم خودگرایی مقدس می نامیدند.همچنین اگر ناسیونالیست‌ها نسبت به اشتباهاتی که ملتشان مرتکب شده اند و همانگونه علیه انهایی که مرتکب شده اند، حساسیت داشته باشند، ممکن است اثربخشی سیاسی احساسات ملی دچار اختلال شود.

اما فراتر از این ملاحظات، موارد دیگری نیز وجود دارند که به ماهیت خاص جهانی که اتفاقاً در آن زندگی می‌کنیم، گره خورده‌اند، که علیه هر گونه ملی‌گرایی بی‌طرف، عمومی و معقولانه شیرین مبارزه می‌کنند. به ساده ترین بیان ممکن: تعداد بسیار زیادی از ملت های بالقوه روی زمین وجود دارند.همچنین کره ما فضای معینی برای واحدهای سیاسی خودمختار و یا کشورهای مستقل دارد. بر اساس هر محاسبه معقولی، تعداد (ملت های بالقوه) احتمالاً بسیار، بسیار بیشتر از تعداد کشورهای احتمالی قابل دوام باشد. اگر این استدلال یا محاسبه درست باشد، نمی‌توان همه ناسیونالیسم‌ها را در یک زمان ارضا کرد. رضایت برخی باعث ناامیدی  دیگران می شود. این استدلال بیشتر و بی اندازه  این واقعیت را تقویت  می کند که بسیاری از ملت های بالقوه این جهان  تا همین اواخر در واحدهای سرزمینی فشرده زندگی نکرده اند (نمی کنند)، بلکه در مدل های پیچیده با یکدیگر درآمیخته بودند. نتیجه این است که یک واحد سیاسی سرزمینی تنها در صورتی می تواند از نظر قومی همگن شود که همه غیر ملیت ها را بکشد، اخراج کند یا جذب کند. عدم تمایل آنها به چنین سرنوشتی ممکن است اجرای مسالمت آمیز اصل ناسیونالیستی را دشوار کند.

البته، این تعاریف مانند بسیاری از تعاریف دیگر، باید با قضاوت صحیح اعمال شوند. اصل ناسیونالیستی، همانطور که تعریف شده است، با حضور تعداد کمی از خارجیان مقیم، یا حتی با حضور گاه به گاه خارجی ها در یک خانواده حاکم ملی، نقض نمی شود. نمی توان  به طور دقیق بیان کرد که چه تعداد خارجی مقیم یا اعضای خارجی طبقه حاکم باید وجود داشته باشد تا این اصل عملاً نقض شود. هیچ درصد مقدسی وجود ندارد که در زیر آن بیگانگان را به خوبی می توان تحمل کرد و بالاتر از آن توهین آمیز شمرد و امنیت و جان انها در خطر باشد. بدون شک این رقم با شرایط متفاوت خواهد بود. با این حال، عدم امکان ارائه یک رقم کلی کاربردی و دقیق، سودمندی تعریف را تضعیف نمی کند.

Wednesday, January 11, 2023

مفاهیم و تعریف

مفاهیم و تعریف

بندیکت اندرسون

ترجمه مهراب سرجوئی

قبل از پرداختن به سؤالات مطرح شده در بالا، توصیه می شود که مفهوم ملت را به اختصار بررسی کنیم و یک تعریف کاربردی ارائه دهیم. نظریه پردازان ناسیونالیسم اغلب با این سه پارادوکس اگر نگوییم عصبانی، ولی گیج شده اند:(۱) مدرنیته عینی ملت ها از نگاه مورخ در مقابل قدمت ذهن ملت ها در نگاه ناسیونالیست ها. (۲) رسمیت جهانی ملیت به عنوان یک مفهوم اجتماعی-فرهنگی- در دنیای مدرن هر کس می تواند، و باید یک ملیت داشته باشد، و خواهد داشت، همانطور که او دارای جنسیت است، در مقابل ویژگی جبران ناپذیر تجلی عینی آن، به گونه ای که طبق تعریف، ملیت یونانی منحصر به فرد است.(۳) قدرت سیاسی ناسیونالیسم در مقابل فقر فلسفی و حتی عدم انسجام آن. به عبارت دیگر، برخلاف اکثر ایسم‌های دیگر، ناسیونالیسم هرگز متفکران بزرگ خود را مثل هابز، توکویل. مارکس ها یا وبرز  تولید نکرده است. این پوچی در میان جهان‌وطنان و روشنفکران چندزبانه، موجب بردباری خاصی می‌شود. مانند گرترود استاین در مواجهه با اوکلند، می توان به سرعت به این نتیجه رسید که در آنجا هیچ آنجایی وجود ندارد. مشخص است که حتی یک دانشجوی دلسوز ناسیونالیسم مانند تام نایرن می تواند بنویسد: ناسیونالیسم آسیب شناسی توسعه تاریخ  مدرن است، با همان ابهام اساسی که به آن پیوسته است، ظرفیت داخلی مشابه برای نزول به زوال عقل، مانند روان رنجوری در فرد اجتناب ناپذیر است، که ریشه در معضلات درماندگی بر اکثر نقاط جهان  دارد و عمدتاً غیر قابل درمان است.

بخشی از دشواری این است که فرد به طور ناخودآگاه تمایل دارد که وجود ناسیونالیسم را با «ان» بزرگ (و نه مانند سن با  حرف بزرگ فرض کند و سپس آن را به عنوان یک ایدئولوژی طبقه بندی کند. (توجه داشته باشید که اگر همه سنی داشته باشند، سن صرفاً یک بیان تحلیلی است.) فکر می‌کنم اگر کسی با ناسیونالیسم به گونه‌ای رفتار کند که گویی آن متعلق به خویشاوندی و مذهب است تا لیبرالیسم یا فاشیسم، کار را آسان‌تر می‌کند.

بنابراین، با روحیات مردم‌شناختی، تعریف زیر را برای ملت پیشنهاد می‌کنم: این یک جامعه سیاسی تصوری است - و هم ذاتاً محدود و هم مستقل تصور می شود. ملت تصور می شود زیرا اعضای حتی کوچکترین ملت هرگز اکثر اعضای خود را نمی شناسند، آنها را ملاقات نمی کنند یا حتی در مورد آنها نمی شنوند، با این حال در ذهن هر یک از آنها تصویری از ارتباط با آنها وجود دارد. گلنر با شدت قاطعانه به نکته قابل مقایسه ای اشاره می کند زمانی که او حکم می کند ناسیونالیسم بیداری ملت ها برای خودآگاهی نیست: ملت ها را در جایی که وجود ندارند ابداع می کند. اما اشکالی که در این فرمول ‌بندی وجود دارد این است که گلنر آنقدر مشتاق است که نشان دهد ناسیونالیسم در زیر کذب خودنمایی می کند که او ابتکار را به جعل و ابطال ، نه تصویرسازی و خلقت، شبیه‌سازی می‌کند. به این ترتیب، او اشاره می کند که جوامع واقعی وجود دارند که می تواند به نحو مطلوبی در کنار ملت ها قرار گیرد. در واقع، همه جوامع بزرگتر از دهکده های اولیه با تماس روبرو (حتی شاید اینها هم تصوری ) تصور هستند. جوامع را نه با  دروغ یا اصالتشان، بلکه با سبکی که در آن تصور می‌شوند، باید متمایز کرد.  روستاییان جاوه همیشه می‌دانستند که با افرادی وصل هستند که هرگز انها ندیده‌اند، اما زمانی این پیوندها منحصرا  قابل کشش  نامحدود خویشاوندی و موکل تصور می‌شدند. تا همین اواخر، زبان جاوه کلمه ای به معنای جامعه انتزاعی نداشت. ما امروز ممکن است اشراف رژیم باستان فرانسوی را به عنوان یک طبقه در نظر بگیریم، اما مطمئناً تا خیلی دیر وقت به این شکل تصور می شد. کنت دی ایکس کیست؟ پاسخ معمولی این خواهد بود، عضوی از اشراف نیست، بلکه ارباب  ایکس است، عموی بارون دی یا یکی از مشتریان دوک وای است.

ملت محدود تصور می شود، زیرا حتی بزرگترین آنها، که شاید یک میلیارد انسان زنده را در بر می گیرد، محدود است، مرزها هر چند فنری باشند، فراتر از آنها ملت های دیگری قرار دارند. هیچ ملتی خود را  همخوانی با تمام بشر تصور نمی کند. اکثر ناسیونالیست های مسیحایی رویای روزی را در سر نمی پرورانند که همه اعضای نژاد بشر به ملت شان  بپیوندند، به شیوه ای که ممکن بود، در دوره های خاصی، مثلاً  مسیحیان در رویای یک سیاره کاملاً مسیحی باشند.

ملت مستقل تصور می شود زیرا این مفهوم در عصری متولد شد که در آن روشنگری و انقلاب مشروعیت نظم الوهیت و قلمرو سلسله مراتب سلطنتی را از بین می برد. با رسیدن به بلوغ در مرحله ای از تاریخ بشریت که حتی عابدترین پیروان هر دین جهانی در مواجهه با کثرت گرایی زنده این گونه ادیان، و تفاوت بین ادعاهای هستی شناسی هر دین و گستردگی سرزمینی، اجتناب ناپذیر بودند، ملت ها آرزوی آزادی را دارند وحتی اگر مستقیماً تحت خدا چنین امکانی باشد. اندازه گیری و نشان این آزادی  یک کشوز مستقل است.

در نهایت، ملت به عنوان یک جامعه تصور می شود، زیرا، صرف نظر از نابرابری و استثمار واقعی که ممکن است در هر یک از آنها حاکم باشد، ملت همیشه به عنوان یک رفاقت عمیق و افقی تصور می شود. در نهایت این برادری است که در طول دو قرن گذشته این امکان را برای میلیون‌ها انسان، نه آن‌قدر برای کشتن، بلکه می‌خواهند برای چنین تصورات محدودی بمیرند را  ممکن می سازد. این مرگ‌ها ناگهان ما را با مشکل اصلی ناشی از ناسیونالیسم روبه‌رو می‌کند: چه چیزی باعث می‌شود تصورات کوچک شده تاریخ اخیر (به ندرت بیش از دو قرن) چنین فداکاری‌های عظیمی را ایجاد کند؟ من معتقدم که آغاز پاسخ در ریشه های فرهنگی ناسیونالیسم نهفته است.